Stuff Donald Trump wants stopped until he "figures" them out:
) Entry of Muslims into the United States.
) Negative commentary on himself.
) Rational discourse.
) His receding hairline.
) His growing impotence.
) His declining numbers in Iowa.
) Death.
) The wind.
) The rotation of the earth.
) The U.S. political system.
) The U.S. Constitution.
Tuesday, December 08, 2015
Friday, September 18, 2015
Wednesday, July 29, 2015
A TALE OF THREE TROIKAS
America’s
major wars of the last half century—Vietnam, the Gulf War, and the
Iraq-Afghanistan conflicts—had a common element: the nation’s war leadership in
each, at least for a time, appeared principally to be in the hands of three
individuals, or to borrow a term of Russian origin, a troika. For Vietnam, the
troika was President Lyndon Johnson, Defense Secretary Robert McNamara, and General
William Westmoreland. For the Gulf War, the troika was President George H.W.
Bush, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Colin Powell, and Central
Command Commander-in-Chief General Stormin’ Norman Schwarzkopf. For the Iraq
and Afghanistan conflicts, the troika was President George W. Bush, Vice
President Richard Cheney, and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld.
To summarize: Troika One—Johnson,
McNamara, Westmoreland; Troika Two—Bush1, Powell, Schwarzkopf; Troika Three—Bush2,
Cheney, Rumsfeld.
The identification of the Troikas is
not to say that all decision-making was in the hands of just the three members
of each Troika. Many others in the bureaucracies had roles of importance. But
the big three in each instance became the collective face of the endeavor. For
Troika One, the Vietnam War had a “light at the end of the tunnel.” For Troika
Two, Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait would “not stand.” For Troika Three, Americans
would be “greeted as liberators” in Iraq.
So how did the three Troikas do?
Well, One and Three did not fare well. The light at the end of the Vietnam
tunnel turned out to be no light at all. The tunnel just ended in murkiness.
Greeted as liberators in Iraq? Maybe by some residents for a few months, but
then the locals returned to their millennia-old disputes and grievances, with the
added fun of turning on the latest group of outsiders who dared to intrude on
their paradise.
And Troika Two? Wonder of wonders,
it got the job done. Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait did not stand. Period.
The quality of the Troikas’
memberships might explain much of the uneven results. Troika One had a superior
politician, a tactically adequate but strategically challenged soldier, and a
brilliant but tragically flawed manager. Troika Three had an average, at best,
politician, an ideologue with significant comprehension limitations, and a
brilliant but tragically flawed manager. And Troika Two? Simply, it had three
individuals who understood the relationship between objectives and resources.
Perhaps the most interesting
components of Troikas One and Three were the brilliant but tragically flawed
managers. McNamara and, to a lesser extent, Rumsfeld were certainly brilliant.
All one had to do was ask them. But the brilliance was part of the flaws. They
appeared too sure of themselves. Staff dissent appears to have been
discouraged. This is not to say that there was much in the way of staff
dissent. Maybe group think in the Pentagons of the 1960s and the 2000s was a
contributor to the situation. The SecDefs had no reason to question their own
brilliance because no one seriously disagreed with their pronouncements.
In any case, as smart as they were,
neither McNamara nor Rumsfeld understood, at the level of international affairs
and in the field of military operations, the relationship between objectives
and resources. Each pursued the objective of winning a war with, one,
inadequate resources, and two, little understanding of the nature and strength
of the enemy. Each was given extraordinary leeway by a President who was beyond
his natural element, which was domestic politics.
On one occasion, Donald Rumsfeld famously said, in response to a critical question from a low-ranking soldier, “you go to war with the Army you have.” The same can be said about a nation’s leaders: “you go to war with the leaders you have.” In Troika Two, the leaders were up to the challenge. In Troikas One and Three, not so much.
Wednesday, March 11, 2015
REPUBLICAN ROCK BOTTOM
You know your party has hit rock bottom
when:
)
Forty-seven of your Senators sign a high-schoolish statement on foreign
policy authored by a first-term goober Senator from Arkansas.
)
Your Speaker of the House of Representatives somehow equates himself
with a Prime Minister by initiating relations with a foreign head-of-state.
)
In a spate with the President over the nation’s borders, your
Congressional representatives threatened to shut down the agency that protects
the nation’s borders.
)
Fox News praises your every move.
)
You have become the party of elderly Caucasians.
)
The Wall Street Journal has begun, mildly and with obvious reluctance,
to criticize you.
) Even the Great Ronnie would have wondered what the hell you're doing.
) Even the Great Ronnie would have wondered what the hell you're doing.
Wednesday, February 25, 2015
YOU DON'T LOVE AMERICA
Rudy
Giuliani's admirable effort to identify who does and who does not love America
needs some fleshing out, some specific criteria. So here goes:
) Unless you believe that Bill O'Reilly saw
combat in the Falklands War, you don't love America.
) Unless you view slavery as no more than a
minor blemish on the nation's otherwise impeccable history, you don't love
America.
) Unless you think that driving Native
Americans from their lands and herding them onto reservations was no big deal,
you don't love America.
) Unless you believe that "enhanced
interrogation" was a necessary response to 9/11 and was in no way
incompatible with American principles of justice and morality, you don't love
America.
) Unless you consider Fox News to be the
preeminent voice of fairness, objectivity, and rationality in the American
media, you don't love America.
) Unless you think that the top one percent
deserve everything they have acquired by fair means or foul, you don't love
America.
) Unless you think that poor people have no one
to blame but themselves, you don't love America.
) Unless you think that only Christians can be
full-fledged Americans, you don't love America.
) Unless you think that climate change is the
figment of some effete liberal's imagination, you don't love America.
Monday, February 02, 2015
THE LITTLE WOMAN TAKES A TUMBLE
So Cranky is on the porcelain throne for
his morning constitutional. Things are going smoothly, no backups, no traffic
jams, no erratic vehicles. The throne room is on the second floor of Cranky’s dwelling,
just off the top of the stairs from the first floor.
Suddenly there’s a tremendous crash
followed by considerable thumbing and bumping as some sort of disaster descends
the stairway. Cranky instantly knows what has occurred: the little woman, who has
a bad knee, has taken a tumble. And Cranky knows what he must do: go to her
aid.
But there’s the problem of his
not-yet-completed effort on the porcelain throne. A vehicle is even then coming
around the final curve. Should Cranky leap up immediately and go to provide
aid? Should he wait on the descending vehicle? And what about cleaning the
highway? Should the effort be limited to a cursory swipe? Should a full
clean-up be performed?
Cranky mulls over the alternatives for
some moments. Perhaps in his younger days he could have made a quicker
decision. But aging affects one’s decision-making ability. Indeed, after a bit
and no further noise from the stairs, Cranky begins to lose his grasp on what
the issue is. He recovers, however, and settles upon the cursory swipe. Then he
is up, out the door, and to the top of the stairs.
The little woman is lying on some soft
luggage that had been at the bottom of the stairs. Cranky yells down, "You OK?"
"Ugh," she replies.
"OK, let me finish up and I'll be right down," says Cranky, returning to the throne room. He is aware that the highway could use more than a cursory swipe.
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