This is what the President should say in
his upcoming speech to the nation on Syria. Oh, not necessarily the exact
words. His speech writers should be able to smooth the jagged edges. But these
are the points he should get across Tuesday night.
My
fellow Americans. I come before you tonight to present the case for military
action against the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad. The reason for military
action is simple: punishment for using chemical weapons.
War
is horrible. But chemical weapons are especially horrific. They were used
extensively in World War I. The revulsion against them and their terrible
effects was so great that they were absent from the battlefields of World War
II and have been employed only in isolated instances since then. All but a
handful of nations--Angola, North Korea, Egypt, South Sudan, and Syria--are
party to the Chemical Weapons Convention outlawing the production, stockpiling,
and use of chemical weapons.
Bashar
al-Assad was warned about using chemical weapons in Syria's current civil war.
But he ignored the warnings and recently slaughtered more than a thousand
fellow Syrians, including over four hundred children, with chemicals.
This
despicable act requires punishment. And that is the nature of the military
action I am prepared to undertake. The action is punishment for waging war in a
manner that is condemned by the vast majority of the world's nations and
peoples. The action is designed not only to punish Bashar al-Assad but also to
discourage any other powers from resorting to such evil in the future.
But,
many ask, how would punishing the Syrian dictator impact our policy toward him
in general and toward the civil war he is conducting?
Our
desire regarding Bashar al-Assad and Syria is that he no longer be the ruler of
Syria and that Syria start down the path to a democratic government and freedom
and justice for its citizens. But these goals are not things we will pursue
with large-scale military action. To impose our will on Syria by force would
require a massive military invasion, an effort similar to the one we led in
1990-91 to remove the forces of Saddam Hussein from Kuwait. The wars we have
fought in Iraq and Afghanistan over the last decade show the confusing,
unsatisfying outcomes that can flow form trying to do too much with too little
military.
Partly
as a result of the inconclusive Iraq and Afghanistan wars, partly as a result
of a decade of exposure to the perplexing conflicts of the Middle East, the
American people would not be supportive of open-ended military action in the
area, much less a large-scale military effort in Syria. Moreover, a large-scale
military effort would have to be followed by a large-scale, long-term military
occupation in order to protect the fragile new government. And again, this is
not a mission Americans are currently disposed to undertake.
We
will continue to explore diplomatic solutions. We will provide various sorts of
support--short of large-scale military action--to what groups we can find in
Syria that share our desire for peace, justice, and democracy in the country.
But we are not prepared to attempt to solve the many problems in that part of
the world by force. We are the most powerful nation in the world, but there are
limits to that power. There are limits to what we can accomplish in, or impose
on, other cultures.
What
we can do is to punish pure evil. And chemically killing over a thousand of his
fellow Syrians, including over four hundred children, was an act of pure evil
by Bashar al-Assad. I propose to punish him and his instruments of power for
that act.
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